https://dx.doi.org/10.24016/2023.v9.270
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Female Perception of Cohabitation and Marriage in
Metropolitan Arequipa
Percepción femenina de la convivencia y el
matrimonio en Arequipa Metropolitana
Analucía Torres Flor 1*, Lila Paola Cerellino Cernades 1, Renzo
Rivera 1
1 Universidad
Católica San Pablo, Arequipa, Peru.
* Correspondence: atorresf@ucsp.edu.pe.
Received: April 18, 2022 | Revised: September 08,
2022 | Accepted: October 27, 2022
| Published Online: March 16, 2023.
Torres Flor, A., Cerellino Cernades, L. P., & Rivera, R. (2023). Female Perception
of Cohabitation and Marriage in Metropolitan Arequipa. Interacciones, 9, e270. https://dx.doi.org/10.24016/2023.v9.270
ABSTRACT
Background: During the last decades in Peru there have been
greater demographic changes, like the remarkable increase in the number of
cohabitating couples and the decrease of married ones. Therefore, this study
aims to describe the perception of cohabitation and marriage between women in
the city of Arequipa, Peru. Methods: 764 women between 18 and 66 years
of age were randomly selected according to their socioeconomic level and they
were surveyed with a questionnaire about cohabitation and marriage perception.
The results indicated that the majority of evaluated women considered marriage
important (82.5) because it is the most appropriate way to start living as a
couple (35.2%) and it is a legally recognized institution (31.3%), among other
reasons. Furthermore, the majority of women do not consider cohabitation as
more convenient than getting married (65.8%) and mostly reported that
cohabitation is a type of relationship in which members mutually support each
other (97.5%), that is exclusive between two people (97%) and in which expenses
and duties are shared (95.9%). Conclusion: For a great percentage of
cohabiters and single women from the sample, marriage is important. The
majority of women do not consider cohabitation more convenient than getting
married. The women that considered cohabitation more convenient, pointed two
main reasons: knowing if the couple is getting along and knowing the couple
well. Less than the 10% of these women believe that cohabitation is a step
prior to marriage. Regarding the perception of marriage compared to
cohabitation, for the vast majority of women, the perception of cohabitation is
similar to the characteristics of marriage.
Keywords: Women, cohabitation, marriage, convenience, Law,
perception.
RESUMEN
Antecedentes: Durante las últimas décadas en el Perú se han
producido grandes cambios demográficos, como el notable aumento del número de
parejas que cohabitan y la disminución de las parejas casadas. Por lo tanto,
este estudio tiene como objetivo describir la percepción sobre la convivencia y
el matrimonio entre las mujeres de la ciudad de Arequipa, Perú. Metodología:
Se seleccionaron aleatoriamente 764 mujeres entre 18 y 66 años de acuerdo a su
nivel socioeconómico y se les encuestó con un cuestionario sobre percepción de
convivencia y matrimonio. Los resultados indicaron que la mayoría de las
mujeres evaluadas consideraron importante el matrimonio (82,5) por ser la forma
más adecuada de empezar a vivir en pareja (35,2%), por ser una institución
legalmente reconocida (31,3%), entre otras razones. Además, la mayoría de las
mujeres no considera la convivencia como más conveniente que casarse (65,8%) y
mayoritariamente reportaron que la convivencia es un tipo de relación en la que
los miembros se apoyan mutuamente (97,5%), que es exclusiva entre dos personas
(97 %) y en los que se comparten gastos y deberes (95,9%). Conclusión: Para
un gran porcentaje de las mujeres convivientes y solteras de la muestra, el
matrimonio es importante. La mayoría de las mujeres no consideran más
conveniente la convivencia que casarse. Las mujeres que consideraron más
conveniente la convivencia, señalaron dos razones principales: saber si la
pareja se lleva bien y conocer bien a la pareja. Menos del 10% de estas mujeres
cree que la convivencia es un paso previo al matrimonio. En cuanto a la
percepción del matrimonio frente a la convivencia, para la gran mayoría de las
mujeres, la percepción de la convivencia es similar a las características del
matrimonio.
Palabras clave: Mujer, convivencia,
matrimonio, conveniencia, Derecho, percepción.
BACKGROUND
For centuries, marriage remained the only socially and
legally recognized form of union between a man and a woman in western
societies. This does not mean that there were no other forms of union between
men and women. However, other types of unions were not regulated as equivalent
to marriage as is happening today in several countries, including Peru. Does
the perception of marriage and cohabitation possibly reflect this law change?
Based on the current family law, it is necessary to know the population's
perception of marriage and cohabitation in order to support public policies
oriented to fulfill the constitutional mandate of family’s protection and
particularly, to promote marriage (Constitución
Política del Perú, 1993, Artículo 4) through the
reduction of costs for marriage’s celebration; also massive celebrations,
nowadays very popular around the world; reduction of costs associated with
married life, such as tax exemptions; or, even adequate marriage preparation.
(Domínguez-Hidalgo et al., 2013).
As a brief historical context, it is necessary to
remember that until the end of the 19th century, marriage was the most frequent
state since it was socially necessary to reach a status and, in many cases, to
inherit a patrimony (Vásquez de Prada, 2008). However, since the first half of
the 19th century, there was an increase in premarital cohabitation and marital
relationships began to be disputed (Sanchez-Cordero,
1981). Industrialization led to migration to the city and opened the
possibility of choosing a partner without a previous arrangement between
families. Non-marital or consensual unions
began to be more common, especially in the working class and the trend was on
the rise (Lesthaeghe, 2010). However, after World War
II, there was an unusual interest and increase in the number of marriages, both
in the United States and in Europe, during the so-called baby boom (Vásquez de
Prada, 2008).
It was not until the 1960s that the hegemony of the
traditional model of marriage and family disappeared (Vásquez de Prada, 2008).
Cohabitation increased demographically, both in South America, where the
pattern of marriage was already characterized by the incidence of consensual
unions (López & Montoro, 2009), and in the rest of the world (Wilcox &
DeRose, 2017). The change in marriage patterns occurred not only in the
decrease of its intensity but also in the delay of the marriage calendar (López
& Montoro, 2009).
Currently, this phenomenon is especially noticeable in
Central America, Colombia and Peru (López-Gay et al., 2014). Since the 1960s
the age of the first marriage in Peru began to increase and by the 1980s the
number of marriages before the twenties had already decreased considerably (Ferrando & Aramburú, 1991).
Similarly, marriage patterns became more progressive and pronounced. Comparing
the results of the 1981 and 2017 censuses, the number of people over 12 years
old living in cohabitation has increased by 14.71% and the married population
has decreased by 12.71%, (INEI, 2017). By 2017, the percentage of cohabitants
(26.71%) in Peru exceeded the percentage of married people (25.69%) (INEI,
2017).
All these
demographic changes accompanied changes in law regarding marriage and
cohabitation. However, it´s difficult to determine whether the law changes have
influenced the environment, whether the environment has influenced the law
changes or whether there has been feedback between them. What is certain is
that the way in which the State has regulated couples' unions contributes to
change the perception about them (Perelli-Harris
& Sánchez, 2012).
Therefore, it is
necessary to review the context of the marriage and cohabitation laws in Peru. Based on this, we will evaluate the perception about
them (Perelli-Harris & Sánchez, 2012).
Peru’s civil law define marriage as a union
voluntarily entered of a man and a woman legally fit for it and formalized
under the provisions of the Code, in order to live together (Código Civil Peruano, 1984). For
its part, although the Peruvian Civil Code (1984) does not define what
cohabitation is, Article 326 refers to it as de facto union and describes its
characteristics: a voluntary union maintained by a man and a woman, free from
any impediment to marriage, in order to achieve purposes and fulfill duties
similar to marriage. It also requires that the union must have lasted at least
two continuous years.
As can be seen, cohabitation shares many essential
characteristics of marriage, such as the heterosexuality; man and woman, the
purpose of living together, and the same rights and duties recognized to the
spouses. In addition, it recognizes the obligation to feed and care for their
children. Likewise, they owe loyalty, assistance and the obligation of living
together in the same home.
With respect to personal effects, there are no
substantive differences between marriage and cohabitation, except for the power
of the woman to have her husband's surname added to her own and to keep it as
long as she does not remarry, as stipulated in Article 24 of the Peruvian Civil
Code (1984). Moreover, cohabiters have the right to adopt (Ley N° 30311, 2015)
and even to social security (Decreto Supremo N°
014-2016-TR, 2016). Although marriage originates patrimonial effects on the
goods acquired by the spouses, they can choose the economic regime of
separation of goods or the regime of society of gains (Canales, 2016). On this
last point, there is a fundamental difference with the cohabitation since the
latter gives rise only to the regime of society of gains.
However, apart
from the possibility for the woman to have her husband's surname added to hers
and the option for the economic regime of separation of assets, what are the
main legal differences between marriage and cohabitation? Even more, if we consider that Law No. 3007
(2013) recognized the rights and duties of inheritance to the cohabitation.
Likewise, the private pension fund system recognizes the right to disability
and survival pensions, as well as the retirement pension of one's partner. It
even recognizes the right of usufruct over the house where the couple lived, in
the event that the sum of his earnings and inheritance is not enough to award
the property to the surviving partner (Zuta, 2018).
With all this, it seems that the peruvian family law
is approaching to an equality between legal effects and consequences of
marriage and cohabitation.
On the other
hand, most people find that the main difference between marriage and
cohabitation would be the fulfillment of forms and solemnities prescribed by
law, as well as their respective registration, absent in the cohabitation
relationships (Viladrich, 2010). Such statements lead
to question of what exists beyond the regulation of civil marriage as a legal
act. Marriage precedes Law, so the difference also surpasses it, since marriage
is more complex than the legal system. In this regard, it is necessary to
emphasize that marriage and the right to marry rather than being positive legal
realities, are natural realities (Viladrich, 2010).
But what happens with the perception of these realities when the law equates
marriage and cohabitation? What do Peruvian people think it is important for
them and for their relationships?
Therefore, it is essential to know what does marriage and cohabitation
mean for citizens.
Regarding the progressive
legal approximation between marriage and cohabitation, some studies point out
that the State policies oriented to the legal equalization of cohabitation
relations, have affected the practical meaning of marriage (Cherlin, 2004; Edin
& Kefalas, 2005). Although the symbolic meaning of marriage still remains,
as cohabitation has become an institution increasingly similar to marriage, new
meanings have been assigned to both of them (Seltzer, 2000). Despite their
importance, few studies have investigated the perceptions and reasons linked to
them. Some studies noted that personal history, individualization and culture
influenced the meanings around marriage and cohabitation (Perelli-Harris
& Bernardi, 2015). Besides, the differences in
the perception of marriage and cohabitation could vary between groups of people
according to their age or life stage. In particular, between different cohorts
of women, due to legal and social changes at different times (Kefalas et al.,
2011). Therefore, these meanings are constantly changing (Manting,
1996).
Moreover, in the
process of couple formation, cohabitation relationships seem to begin without
clear communication from the couple about their meaning (Manning & Smock,
2005). Among the reasons argued for cohabitating there are fundamentally:
spending more time together, convenience and testing the relationship (Rhoades,
Stanley & Markman, 2009). On the other hand, young Mexicans’ perception
points to consider cohabitation as a trial period that favors strengthening marital
stability (Ojeda, 2009). In their opinion, there are no clear advantages
between marriage and cohabitation. Young women even believe that cohabitation
is more advantageous because it does not request legal procedures and
cohabitation relationships are easier to break (Ojeda, 2017).
In terms of the
perception of cohabitation, there are also differences between the genders.
Apparently, men perceive cohabitation as a trial period (Ojeda, 2009) and among
them; this reason predominates in their decision to live together.
Nevertheless, the investigations around this topic are scarce and almost none
has taken great samples for its evaluation. The current law in Peru is based on
the fact that marriage and cohabitation originate a family, personal and patrimonial
effects for its members. Nevertheless, the recognition of cohabitation as a
source that generates a family has caused the de-institutionalization of
marriage (Plácido, 2013).
The Peruvian State has the obligation to promote
marriage, by constitutional mandate (Constitución
Política del Perú, 1993, Artículo 4). In this sense,
the rule that promote the matrimonial family, demonstrates that the peruvian state, prefers marriage before the cohabitation.
This means that the peruvian state, considers that civil
marriage is the main, but not the only, source of the family (Plácido, 2013).
It is also necessary to consider that despite their
current legal equality, marriage and cohabitation do not function in the same
way. Cohabitation is more unstable, tends to dissolve (Bumpass & Lu, 2000)
and cohabitating women have more risk of suffering partner violence (Castro, Cerellino & Rivera, 2017).
For this reason,
it is worth asking whether the equalization of cohabitation and marriage
constitutes a social demand on the part of the couples. Likewise, we wonder if,
in Arequipa, the second most populated city in Peru, couples prefer to
cohabitate rather than get married, and what is their perception of
cohabitation and marriage? We believe that these questions are fundamental keys
to fulfilling the constitutional mandate of Article 4 of the Political
Constitution of Peru (1993): the promotion of marriage, not only through laws,
but also through programs and public policies that allow Peruvian couples to
marry.
To achieve this
purpose, we have taken the concepts of marriage, found in Peru's laws, to
identify the preferences and perceptions around marriage and cohabitation from
a representative sample of the female population of Metropolitan Arequipa.
METHOD
Design
This study is transversal with a simple
correlational design (Ato et al. 2013).
Sample
The sample consisted of 764 women who lived in the
city of Arequipa, Peru. Regarding the socioeconomic level, 17.4% of women
belonged to level A/B, 41.6% to level C, 31.4% to level D and 9.7% to level E.
Likewise, most of those evaluated had between 36 to 45 years (19.6%) or between
56 to 65 years (18%). As for marital status, most of the participants were
married (37.6%) or cohabiting (23.8%, see Table 1). For the selection of the
participants, a stratified probabilistic sampling was followed according to
their socioeconomic level (Hernández et al., 2014).
Table 1. Sociodemographic
variables |
|||
|
n |
% |
|
Age |
18 to 25 years |
147 |
19.2 |
26 to 30 years |
79 |
10.4 |
|
31 to 35 years |
82 |
10.7 |
|
36 to 45 years |
150 |
19.6 |
|
46 to 55 years |
127 |
16.6 |
|
56 to 65 years |
142 |
18 |
|
66 years or
more |
37 |
4.9 |
|
Marital status |
Single |
176 |
23.1 |
Married |
287 |
37.6 |
|
Cohabiting |
182 |
23.8 |
|
Separated
from husband |
42 |
5.5 |
|
Separated
from cohabiting |
26 |
3.3 |
|
Divorcee |
22 |
2.9 |
|
Widow |
28 |
3.7 |
|
Socioeconomic
status |
A/B |
133 |
17.4 |
C |
317 |
41.6 |
|
D |
240 |
31.4 |
|
E |
74 |
9.7 |
Measuring
instrument
Survey about perception of cohabitation and civil
marriage: It was created by the researchers in order to assess perception of
women about cohabitation and civil marriage. Its items were prepared based on
the current civil law of marriage and cohabitation in Peru, that is, articles 4
and 5 of the Political Constitution of Peru (1993) and the Family Law Civil
Code (1984). Besides, some of the items about the perception of cohabitation
considerate the results from the study of Rhoades, Stanley and Markman, H. J.
(2009).
The instrument consists of 14 items, which are divided
into two dimensions: 8 items evaluate the perception of cohabitation: 7 items
are dichotomous (yes or no) and 1 of them is nominal with eight response
options. That item can only be answered by those participants who consider it
is more convenient to cohabit than to marry, since it investigates the reasons
for their response. The other 6 items evaluate perception of civil marriage, 4
of which are dichotomous (yes or no); while 1 item is nominal with 7 response
options and can only be answered by those women who consider that civil
marriage is important, since it investigates the reasons for their response.
The last item is nominal with four response options and it can only be answered
by those who consider that marry by civil law is difficult, since it asks about
the reason for their response.
To assess the
content validity of the test, in a first stage, eight judges evaluated the
questions and issued various observations that led to a reformulation of some
items. In a second stage, five judges evaluated the items, obtaining Aiken V
values that fluctuated between .867 and 1 with 95% confidence intervals between
.621 and .796, which was an indicator that the items comply with evaluating the
study variables according to the criteria indicated in Merino & Livia (2009).
Reliability was evaluated using the internal consistency method through
McDonald's Omega coefficient. In this way, the questions on perception of
coexistence (ω = .713) and perception of civil marriage to a lesser extent (ω =
.654) proved to be reliable.
Sociodemographic questionnaire: It was used to collect
data on age, marital status and record the SES of those evaluated.
Procedure
Data collection was done in the houses of those
evaluated, which were randomly selected according to their socioeconomic level.
Informed consent was given to each of the evaluated women. Evaluators explained
the purpose of the research to the sample and ensured anonymity and
confidentiality of the responses. The surveys were individual and lasted
approximately 10-15 minutes.
Data
analysis
Descriptive analysis of the data was carried out
through an analysis of frequencies and percentages; while for the inferential
part, Pearson's Chi-square test was used. The software used was SPSS version
25.
Ethical considerations
This project had the approval of the Comité de Etica de la Universidad
Católica San Pablo (Acta 43 CEPI.UCSP).
RESULTS
In Table 2, it can be seen that most of the women
evaluated consider that civil marriage is important (82.5%), the main reasons
being: they believe it is the most appropriate way to start living together as
a couple (35,2%) and marriage is a legally recognized institution (31.3%). It
is also observed that for most of the women evaluated both civil and religious
marriage are important (57.6%), while 24.9% consider that only civil marriage
is important. In addition, the majority of women surveyed do not consider it difficult
to marry in civil law (87.3%). The majority of women who perceive that it is
difficult to marry by civil means that civil marriage is very expensive (46.9%)
or that carrying out the procedures is tedious (42.7%). Most of the evaluated
women did not consider it would be easier if there were only one type of
marriage (61.1%).
Table 2. Arequipa women's perception of civil marriage |
|||
|
|
n |
% |
Do you consider that civil marriage is
important? (n= 764) |
No |
134 |
17.50% |
Yes |
630 |
82.50% |
|
Why do you think civil marriage is
important? (n= 630) |
It is the most appropriate way to start
living as a couple |
222 |
35.20% |
It is the most suitable union to have
children and raise them |
76 |
12.10% |
|
It is a legally recognized institution |
197 |
31.30% |
|
Male and female are required to support
each other |
75 |
11.90% |
|
It is a universally recognized
institution |
51 |
8.10% |
|
Married people are more accepted |
8 |
1.30% |
|
Other |
1 |
0.20% |
|
What type of marriage is most important?
(n= 764) |
Only
the civil marriage |
190 |
24.90% |
Only
the religious marriage |
79 |
10.30% |
|
Both
of them |
440 |
57.60% |
|
None |
55 |
7.20% |
|
Is it difficult to marry in civil law? (n=
757) |
No |
661 |
87.30% |
Yes |
96 |
12.70% |
|
Why is it difficult to marry in civil
law? (n= 96) |
It is very expensive |
45 |
46.90% |
It is difficult to obtain the
information about the procedure |
10 |
10.40% |
|
Carrying out the paperwork is tedious or
tedious |
41 |
42.70% |
|
Would it be easier for there to be only
one type of marriage? (n= 721) |
No |
459 |
63.70% |
Yes |
262 |
36.30% |
In Table 3 it
can be seen that 34.2% of those evaluated consider cohabiting to be more
convenient than civil law marriage. In addition, most of the women evaluated
consider that cohabiting is a union between a man and a woman (94.9%), it is a
type of relationship in which children can be born (83.6%). Moreover, our
sample considers it is a type of relationship in which the members support each
other (97.5%), it is a type of relationship in which the members share expenses
and duties (95.9%), it is a type of exclusive relationship between two people
(97%) and it is a commitment between two people (95.8%).
Table 3. Arequipa woman's perception of
cohabitation |
|||
|
|
n |
% |
Is cohabiting more convenient than
getting married in civil law? |
No |
502 |
65.80% |
Yes |
261 |
34.20% |
|
Union between male and female |
No |
39 |
5.10% |
Yes |
725 |
94.90% |
|
Relationship where you can have children |
No |
125 |
16.40% |
Yes |
639 |
83.60% |
|
Relationship where partners support each
other |
No |
19 |
2.50% |
Yes |
744 |
97.50% |
|
Relationship where partners share
expenses and duties |
No |
31 |
4.10% |
Yes |
733 |
95.90% |
|
Exclusive relationship of two people |
No |
23 |
3.00% |
Yes |
740 |
97.00% |
|
Compromise
between two people |
No |
32 |
4.20% |
Yes |
732 |
95.80% |
Table 4 shows the responses of those women who
consider cohabiting is more convenient than marriage (n = 261), according to
their socioeconomic level. Among which, regardless of their SES (χ2=
20.537; p= .303), the majority of
women from A/B levels (56.8%), C (51.4%), D (58.5%) and E (50%) consider that
cohabiting allows to know if the couple will get along or not. The second
reason is that cohabiting will allow the couple to know each other better, A/B
(27.3%), C (21.5%), D (20.7%) and E (28.6%).
Table 4. Reasons why women from Arequipa consider that
cohabiting is more convenient than getting married according to the SES |
||||||||
SES |
|
Why do you think that living together is
more convenient than getting married? |
||||||
If the couple gets along |
Step prior to marriage |
Have more than one partner at a time |
Set the rules you want |
Meet
my partner |
Union
without legal formalities |
Union without economic commitment of
couple |
||
A/B (n=44) |
n |
25 |
2 |
0 |
5 |
12 |
0 |
0 |
% |
56.80% |
4.50% |
0.00% |
11.40% |
27.30% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
|
C (n=107) |
n |
55 |
12 |
3 |
7 |
23 |
7 |
0 |
% |
51.40% |
11.20% |
2.80% |
6.50% |
21.50% |
6.50% |
0.00% |
|
D (n=82) |
n |
48 |
6 |
5 |
1 |
17 |
4 |
1 |
% |
58.50% |
7.30% |
6.10% |
1.20% |
20.70% |
4.90% |
1.20% |
|
E (n=28) |
n |
14 |
4 |
1 |
0 |
8 |
1 |
0 |
% |
50.00% |
14.30% |
3.60% |
0.00% |
28.60% |
3.60% |
0.00% |
|
Total (n=261) |
n |
142 |
24 |
9 |
13 |
60 |
12 |
1 |
% |
54.40% |
9.20% |
3.40% |
5.00% |
23.00% |
4.60% |
0.40% |
|
Note: χ2= 20.537; p= .303 |
In Table 5, it
can be seen there is a statistically significant relationship between the
marital status of women and their perception of why living together is more
convenient than civil law marriage (χ2= 66.314; p= .002). Although the majority of women, regardless of their
marital status, consider cohabiting allows them to prove that the couple is
getting along, this perception is notably more frequent in divorced women
(88.9%) and occurs less in women separated from their husbands (40.9%) or
partners (35.7%).
Table 5. Reasons why women from Arequipa consider
that living together is more convenient than marrying according to their
marital status |
||||||||
Marital status |
|
Why do you think that cohabitation is
more convenient than getting married? |
||||||
If the couple gets along |
Step prior to marriage |
Have more than one partner at a time |
Set the rules you want |
Meet
my partner |
Union
without legal formalities |
Union without economic commitment of the
couple |
||
Single (n=60) |
n |
34 |
6 |
2 |
2 |
14 |
2 |
0 |
% |
56.70% |
10.00% |
3.30% |
3.30% |
23.30% |
3.30% |
0.00% |
|
Married
(n= 68) |
n |
39 |
4 |
2 |
3 |
17 |
3 |
0 |
% |
57.40% |
5.90% |
2.90% |
4.40% |
25.00% |
4.40% |
0.00% |
|
Cohabiting
(n= 84) |
n |
46 |
10 |
2 |
5 |
16 |
5 |
0 |
% |
54.80% |
11.90% |
2.40% |
6.00% |
19.00% |
6.00% |
0.00% |
|
Separated
from husband (n=
22) |
n |
9 |
0 |
2 |
2 |
9 |
0 |
0 |
% |
40.90% |
0.00% |
9.10% |
9.10% |
40.90% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
|
Separated
from cohabiting (n=
14) |
n |
5 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
0 |
% |
35.70% |
14.30% |
7.10% |
14.30% |
14.30% |
14.30% |
0.00% |
|
Divorcee
(n=9) |
n |
8 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
% |
88.90% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
11.10% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
|
Widow
(n= 7) |
n |
3 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
% |
42.90% |
28.60% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
14.30% |
0.00% |
14.30% |
|
Total (n= 264) |
n |
144 |
24 |
9 |
14 |
60 |
12 |
1 |
% |
54.50% |
9.10% |
3.40% |
5.30% |
22.70% |
4.50% |
0.40% |
|
Note: χ2= 66.314; p= .002 |
Furthermore, it is important to note that the present
study sought to relate the perception of women regarding marriage and
cohabitation with their age. However, in none of the cases was this
relationship statistically significant (p> .05).
DISCUSSION
This quantitative research examined the perception of
women about marriage and cohabitation. The results are only representative of
Metropolitan Arequipa, where it has been found that the majority of the sample
evaluated (82.5%) considers civil marriage important. These women believe that
marriage is the most appropriate way to start living as a couple, and because
they consider it a legally recognized institution. These results seem to be
related to the sociodemographic data in our sample where the percentage of
married women is 37.6% and 23.8% cohabitate. However, it also indicates that
marriage is not only important for married women but it is also relevant for a
great percentage of cohabiters and single women.
Data about women cohabiters in Arequipa also shows
that most of them have plans to get married (Rivera & Castro, 2019), which
could explain their perception that marriage is the best way to start living as
a couple. On the other hand, we observe that this result differs from other
studies on women that indicate that cohabitation is the best way to start to
live together as a couple and that a prior period of cohabitation is necessary
before getting married (Ojeda, 2017).
Even among those who consider cohabitation more
convenient than getting married (34.2%), less than the 10% believe that
cohabitation is a step prior to marriage. Representative data from women in
Arequipa shows that only 15% of married women cohabitated before getting
married (Rivera & Castro, 2019).
Additionally, it was found that the majority of women
(87.3%) do not consider that marrying in civil law is difficult. The majority
of women that considers it difficult to marry in civil law (12.7%) are
cohabiters or ex-cohabiters. This indicates that the requirements and
procedures that are required for the celebration of civil marriage in Peru do
not constitute an obstacle to access marriage. Despite the fact that the
marriage process in our country implies compliance with mandatory formalities
and legal requirements throughout the national territory, it seems that the
women in the sample have internalized that whoever wishes to marry in Peru must
comply with all these requirements, without exception.
Although those who pointed out that the difficulty of
accessing it was mediated by its cost and the cumbersome process, it seems that
the cost is not related to the payment of fees, but to the cost of marriage as
a social event. We deduced it, because there is a significant relationship
between the women that consider it is difficult to marry by its cost and
socioeconomic level, both in the A/B level and in the D level. Related to this
phenomenon, the historical and sociological data regarding the servinacuy
suggest that one of the purposes of this period of cohabitation was to collect
money for the celebration of marriage (Rodríguez 1990). So, it is possible that
in Peru there is already an expectation of spending a large amount of money in
the celebration of marriage. Another study that analyzed the marriage
perception, found that having a wealthy economic status is important in the
decision of getting married (Kuzembayeva, 2020).
Therefore, the cost of marriage could be linked not only to the celebration of
marriage itself but also to the costs of the married status.
On the other hand, it should be noted that despite the
fact that in Peru since 1936, canonical marriage was stripped of all legal
effect (Código Civil Peruano, 1936), more than half
of the women evaluated indicated that both religious and civil marriage are
just as important. This reflects that even if law could influence the
perception about cohabitation and marriage (Perelli-Harris & Sánchez, 2012), the meaning of marriage goes beyond the value granted by
current legal laws (Huang et.al., 2011).
Regarding the perception of marriage compared to
cohabitation, we found that the majority of women do not consider cohabitation
more convenient than getting married (65.8%). This perception differs from the
results previously found in other investigations in female populations in
Mexico (Ojeda, 2017). However, this may be because the sample sociodemographic
differences between the aforementioned study and our research. On the other hand, we found the same
preference towards marriage in other studies from different European countries
and Australia, where the increase in cohabitation did not devalue the meaning
of marriage but rather, reiterated their preference towards this type of union
(Perelli-Harris et al., 2014).
In the results of our study, the 34.2% of women that
considered cohabitation more convenient than marrying pointed two main reasons
for this consideration: knowing if the couple is getting along and knowing the
couple well. These kinds of perceptions fit as internal reasons for cohabitate
(Rhoades et al., 2009). These types of reasons are associate with better
relationship quality compared to external reasons for cohabitate like economic
convenience (Tang et al., 2014).
Another outstanding fact found in the present study is
that although the majority of women consider that marriage is the most
appropriate way to start living as a couple, many of them cohabitate and, in
the long term, it seems that few will get married. This phenomenon could be
partially explained by the findings in other studies that indicate that those
women who believe in the institution of marriage are more dedicated to their
relationship as cohabiters and tend to have more stable relationships (Rhoades
et al., 2011; Parker, 2021)
Likewise, it is noteworthy that for the vast majority of
women, the perception of cohabitation is similar to the characteristics of
marriage. Since they consider that cohabiting is a union between a man and a
woman, a relationship where they can have children, they also consider that it
is a relationship where the couple: support each other, share expenses and
duties, in which the couple are in an exclusive relationship and have
commitment between them. Therefore, the perception of cohabitation in Arequipa
seems to be consistent with the legal equalization made between them by the
Peruvian State (Código Civil Peruano, 1984). This
means that women in Arequipa consider cohabitation like a marriage. At the same
time, it distances itself from the conception of cohabitation as a trial period
leading to marriage, existing in other cultures such as the United States
(Bumpass & Lu, 2000).
It is also necessary to contextualize the meanings
about marriage and cohabitation, based on the cultural history of the people (Perelli- Harris & Bernardi,
2015). It is possible to link the results of this research and the meanings
attributed to the Andean Servinacuy
that has survived to this day. Although there was a general feeling that
cohabitation was something morally wrong; the Andean conception of cohabitation
was of a stable union and not a provisional relationship (Rodríguez, 1990).
This could explain why the majority of Arequipa women consider marriage more
convenient, important and wish to marry but at the same time their perception
of cohabitation is similar to the marriage: a lasting union. This, in turn,
could be given greater stability and satisfaction to their domestic
partnership. Although it was a questioned support, there are multiple findings
in the literature that indicate that cohabiting relationships that are perceived
as a trial period are related to poorer communication and partner
functionality, greater physical aggression, levels of insecurity, symptoms of
depression, anxiety (Rhoades et al., 2009), instability (Brown, 2000;
Hohmann‐Marriott, 2006; Parker, 2021) and they are also related to more
ambivalence regardless of the level of satisfaction with sacrifices (Tang et
al., 2014).
Despite the results found, the present study has
limitations, since it only examines the female population, for which the male
perception is excluded. Therefore, it is not possible to analyze the
differences of perception between the genders or within the couple. Although
some studies do not find greater differences about the cohabitation perception
between genders (Chaney et al., 2014), it would be interesting to examine
those. On the other hand, the questions were oriented to a perception of
marriage and cohabitation in general; however, the reasons why they decided or
would decide to cohabitate or marry were not investigated. Another limitation
is that aspects related to the differences between the breakdown of marriage
and cohabitation was not addressed. Likewise, our questionnaire has not
assessed the impact of religious beliefs or marital status of the women´s
parents on the perception and meaning of marriage or cohabitation. We suggest
considering these questions in a future study, because of the evidence about
the influence they could have in the marriage perception of men and women (Kuzembayeva, 2020). Aware of the importance of cultural
context in these perceptions (Cherlin, 2004), other studies could also address
other sociodemographic variables like the rural or urban place of origin,
especially because during the last decades Peru have had great migratory
movement inside the country (Sánchez Aguilar, 2017).
Finally, we also suggest complementing this study with
a qualitative approach to the variable, which could allow us to know in greater
depth the perception of Peruvians regarding civil marriage and cohabitation. In
this way, we recommend to delve into these issues in subsequent studies and
address the differences between personal reasons and general perceptions about
marriage and cohabitation. Besides, other studies could address the
relationship between the perception of marriage and cohabitation and
decision-making when forming a couple. We hope that this study contributes to
the clarification of current perceptions about marriage and cohabitation. We
also think that our results could lead to subsequent studies and must be taken
into account in the evaluation of public policies that seek to strengthen
couples' unions, even more so if it is considered that The Peruvian State, by
constitutional mandate, has the obligation to promote marriage, compared to
other possible ways of forming a couple.
ORCID
Analucía Torres Flor: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4719-8646
Lila Paola Cerellino Cernades: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9267-2987
Renzo Rivera: http://www.orcid.org/0000-0002-5897-9931
CONTRIBUCIÓN
DE LOS AUTORES
Analucía
Torres Flor: Conceptualization, investigation, writing -review & editing,
supervision, project administration and approval of the final version.
Lila Paola Cerellino Cernades: Conceptualization, researching, writing -
review & editing, and approval of the final version
Renzo Rivera: Data collection, methodology,
data analysis, writing, review & editing and approval of the final version.
FUNDING
Not applicable
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST
The authors
declare that there were no conflicts of interest.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Not applicable.
REVIEW
PROCESS
This study has
been reviewed by external peers in double-blind mode (Rozzana Sánchez Aragón and Willy Valle). The editor in charge David Villarreal-Zegarra. The review process can be
found as supplementary material 1.
DATA AVAILABILITY
STATEMENT
The database can be found in supplementary
material 2 and the questionnaire can be found in supplementary material 3.
DISCLAIMER
The authors are responsible for all
statements made in this article.
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